Algeria’s migrant crisis: between humanitarianism and security

June 20, 2022

Abdennour Toumi is an Algerian researcher based at Ankara’s Center for Middle East Studies. Specialising for over 10 years in North Africa’s distinctive migrant experience, his works have appeared in BBC Turkish, TRT World, Daily Sabah & more. He argues that, in the face of Algeria’s migrant dilemma, what is needed is a more coherent model for migration policy, one capable of balancing humanitarian with security needs.

Agreed in Marrakech in December 2018, the Global Compact for Migration was the first serious attempt to resolve the modern migrant crisis at an international level. Signed by a majority of UN nation-states, it was hampered by vocal discontent from the US and several European countries. Wary of, or riding on, various waves of anti-immigrant populism, these governments were loath to cede what they saw as fundamental aspects of their sovereignty.

Despite its non-binding nature, however, the pact may well be the best model available for North African states.

North Africa is uniquely placed in the migrant experience in that it is simultaneously a point of departure, transit and destination for those seeking to escape war and misery, predominately in the African continent.

Algeria’s migrant dilemma

Algeria’s migrant dilemma is framed by national security and global humanitarian needs.

Positioned as a counter-terrorism partner to Europe and the US, there is pressure on the Algerian state to tackle what is an important source of income for various jihadist groups operating across its porous borders in the south.

This is reflected in part by Algeria’s ‘law and order’ approach, which has often reduced its response to border policing. Focusing on the work of disrupting migrant passage and breaking up the border smuggling networks behind it, there is sometimes little to distinguish

Algeria’s migrant policy from the traditional sort of counter-smuggling operation.

This policing-first approach has pushed the Algerian state to engage in forced repatriations. Despite being held to several international conventions, and despite expressly forbidding summary deportation in its constitution, reports of migrants dumped in the desert along Algeria’s southern border region all-too-frequently appear in international NGO and media reports.

But such hard-line tactics have been far from effective, and an estimated 100,000 migrants have entered the country in recent years. A source of occasional tension in and around Algeria’s major cities, there are few signs the tide is stemming.

And the migrant issue is also, for Algeria, a humanitarian one. Less deadly than Libya’s central Mediterranean or Morocco’s East Atlantic route, a growing number of migrants are nonetheless perishing off of Algeria’s coastline.

This reflects the emerging role of Algeria as a significant point of departure, as well as transit, for migrants of both Algerian and other nationalities.

The Turkish model and the imperatives for change

There is certainly incentive for Algeria to opt for a more coherent policy, one that keeps it off-the-radar of INGO’s and Human Rights groups. Critical voices from these cohorts have surfaced like a sandstorm since the Algerian migration phenomenon took to the fore in 2013. Lobbying for better co-ordination with authorities and greater access to the field, little has been done to placate them so far.

Focusing on expanding its natural product exports to African markets, there is also a compelling economic rationale for getting its migrant policy in order. While Algeria is keen to court Sub-Saharan partners, it’s almost exclusive treatment of migration as a national security concern is proving controversial.

Nor is the domestic tide of “haraga”, Algerian migrants risking their lives to reach Europe on precarious boats, without economic cost.

Desperate optimism for a better life in the north, combined with despair at decades of failed employment policies, is proving a real drain on the country. Each year it deprives Algeria of thousands of its graduates, workers, and young.

But if Algeria lacks a well-rounded policy for tackling the migrant issue, it could perhaps find a workable model in Turkey. Beset too by waves of immigration following civil wars in Syria and Iraq, the country has had some success in balancing temporary residency for refugees with a strong commitment to non-refoulement principles.

Ultimately, to stem the tide Algeria needs to find a better way to fight against the structural causes that are pushing people to leave their countries of origin. This needs to take place at the domestic level, and internationally. Many of these solutions lie in the 23 objectives outlined in the Marrakech accord. More coherent migration policies, coordination in tackling human smuggling networks, and empowering humanitarian action are all vital ingredients to achieving this.

Whether Algeria will be able to find a balance that works for it is yet to be seen.

Abdennour Toumi is a journalist and a North African Studies specialist at Ankara's Center for Middle Eastern Studies. With his works appearing in the Daily Sabah, TRT World, and BBC, he has covered developments in North Africa's migrant experience for over a decade.

thumbnail
North Africa’s politics of language – the Algerian media

July 6, 2022

Announcing it would cease production after nearly 30 years, Liberte’s closure in April was decried by journalists, scholars, and politicians in Algeria and out.
thumbnail
How does Libya affect the Maghreb? 

June 27, 2022

From security to economics and international influence, the countries of the Maghreb are deeply interested in what is happening in Libya.
thumbnail
North Africa Watch

June 24, 2022

What’s in a number? Welcome news in European capitals, rapid revision of Libya’s oil output from 100,000 to 700,000 bpd underscores the disorder that has come to characterize the North African nation.